Associations between tobacco 21 and state flavour restrictions with young adult tobacco use.

BACKGROUND: States have recently enacted tobacco-related age and flavour restrictions in addition to federal T21 laws. Little is known about the independent effects of these policies on young adult tobacco use. METHODS: Linking 2011-2022 Behavioural Risk Factor Surveillance System data on 2 696 870, 18-59 years from 50 states and DC with policy data, we conducted probit regression models to evaluate the associations between state and federal T21 laws and state flavour restrictions with cigarettes, electronic nicotine delivery system (ENDS) and smokeless tobacco use. Models were adjusted for sociodemographics, additional tobacco policies, COVID-19-related factors, year and state. We tested two-way and three-way interactions between age, state T21 and federal T21 laws. RESULTS: Although we did not find evidence that state T21 laws were associated with cigarette, smokeless tobacco or ENDS use overall, the federal T21 law was associated with lower use of all three tobacco products by 0.39-0.92 percentage points. State flavour restrictions were associated with lower use of cigarettes by 0.68 (-1.27 to -0.09) and ENDS by 0.56 (-1.11 to -0.00) percentage points, but not with smokeless tobacco. A three-way interaction revealed that state and federal T21 laws together were associated with a lower prevalence of ENDS use among 18-20 years, but there were no differences in cigarette use from both policies combined versus either alone. CONCLUSION: State and federal T21 laws are broadly effective at reducing adult tobacco use, while state flavour restrictions specifically lower use of cigarettes and ENDS.

Associations between e-cigarette policies and adolescent use and access to e-cigarettes.

Background: Tobacco control policies have been adapted to address rising levels of adolescent e-cigarette use. Despite new restrictions, adolescents are continuing to access e-cigarettes. Methods: We linked 2015-2019 Youth Risk Behavior Survey data on 503,154 14-18-year-olds from 40 states with state-level e-cigarette minimum legal sales age (MLSA) laws, taxes, and smoke-free legislation. Using two-way fixed effects probit regression models, we first examined the associations between these statewide e-cigarette policies and adolescent use and, second, with access to e-cigarettes. We subsequently tested interactions between age and each policy and present average marginal effects as percentage point (pp) changes. Results: While MLSA laws for e-cigarettes were associated with slight increases in e-cigarette use (2.72 pp; 1.29, 4.15), associations were no longer significant after at least 1-year post-implementation. MLSA laws were also associated with decreases in e-cigarette purchases in stores (-9.50 pp; -18.21, -0.79) and increases in acquiring them from someone else (13.26 pp; 4.10, 22.42), particularly among 18-year-olds. E-cigarette taxes were associated with decreases in use (-9.18 pp; -11.63, -6.73), but there were limited associations with e-cigarette access. While smoke-free legislation prohibiting e-cigarettes was associated with slight increases in use (1.87 pp; 0.23, 3.50), after at least 1-year post-implementation, they were associated with decreases in use. Smoke-free legislation was also associated with decreases in purchases in stores by 14-year-olds, but increases in online purchases by 18-year-olds. Conclusion: Understanding the immediate and longer-term consequences of e-cigarette policies is essential to influence adolescent e-cigarette use. Adolescents will continue acquiring e-cigarettes across varying sources if measures are not taken to address access alongside policies aimed at reducing use.

Associations between proximity to gas production activity in counties and birth outcomes across the US.

Despite mounting evidence on the health effects of natural gas development (NGD), including hydraulic fracturing ("fracking"), existing research has been constrained to high-producing states, limiting generalizability. To expand the scope of previous research, we examined the associations between prenatal exposure and NGD production activity in 28 states on birth outcomes overall and by race/ethnicity. We linked 2005-2018 county-level microdata natality files on 33,849,409 singleton births from 1984 counties in 28 states with nine-month county-level averages of NGD production by both conventional and unconventional production methods, based on month/year of birth. We estimated linear regression models for birth weight and gestational age and probit models for the dichotomous outcomes of low birth weight, preterm birth, and small-for-gestational age. We subsequently examined interactions between women's race/ethnicity and NGD production. We found that 53.8% of counties had NGD production activity. A 10% increase in NGD production in a county was associated with a decrease in mean birth weight by 1.48 g (95% CI = -2.60, -0.37), with reductions of 10.19 g (-13.56, -6.81) for infants born to Black women and 2.76 g (-5.05, -0.46) for infants born to Asian women. A 10% increase in NGD production in a county was associated with an increased risk of infants born low birth weight (0.0008; 95% CI = 0.0006, 0.0010) or small-for-gestational age (0.0018; 95% CI = 0.0015, 0.0022), particularly among infants born to Black women. In sum, NGD for energy production has negative impacts on the health of infants, with greatest effects in infants born to minoritized women.

Associations between ACA-related policies and a clinical recommendation with HPV vaccine initiation.

PURPOSE: We examined associations between the 2010 Affordable Care Act (ACA) provisions, 2011 Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP) recommendation, and 2014 ACA-related health insurance reforms with HPV vaccine initiation rates by sex and health insurance type. METHODS: Using 2009-2015 public and private health insurance claims for 551,764 males and females aged 9-26 years (referred to as youth) from Maine, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts, we conducted linear regression models to examine the associations between three policy changes and HPV vaccine initiation rates by sex and health insurance type. RESULTS: In 2009, HPV vaccine initiation rates for males and females were 0.003 and 0.604 per 100 enrollees, respectively. Among males, the 2010 ACA provisions and ACIP recommendation were associated with significant increases in HPV vaccine uptake among those with private plans (0.207 [0.137, 0.278] and 0.419 [0.353, 0.486], respectively) and Medicaid (0.157 [0.083, 0.230] and 0.322 [0.257, 0.386], respectively). Among females, the 2010 ACA provisions were associated with significant increases in HPV vaccine uptake among Medicaid enrollees only (0.123 [0.033, 0.214]). The ACA-related health insurance reforms were associated with significant increases in HPV vaccine uptake for male and female Medicaid enrollees (0.257 [0.137, 0.377] and 0.214 [0.102, 0.327], respectively), but no differences among privately insured youth. By 2015, there were no differences in HPV vaccine initiation rates between males (0.278) and females (0.305). CONCLUSIONS: Both ACA provisions and the ACIP recommendation were associated with significant increases in HPV vaccine initiation rates among privately and publicly insured males in three New England states, closing the gender gap. In contrast, females and youth with private insurance did not exhibit the same changes in HPV vaccine uptake over the study period.

Associations between insurance-related affordable care act policy changes with HPV vaccine completion.

BACKGROUND: Although all 11- or 12-year-olds in the US were recommended to receive a 3-dose series of the human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccine within a 12-month period prior to 2016, rates of completion of the HPV vaccine series remained suboptimal. The effects of the Affordable Care Act (ACA), including private insurance coverage with no cost-sharing and health insurance expansions, on HPV vaccine completion are largely unknown. The aim of this study was to examine the associations between the ACA's 2010 provisions and 2014 insurance expansions with HPV vaccine completion by sex and health insurance type. METHODS: Using 2009-2015 public and private health insurance claims from Maine, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts, we identified 9-to-26-year-olds who had at least one HPV vaccine dose. We conducted a logistic regression model to examine the associations between the ACA policy changes with HPV vaccine completion (defined as receiving a 3-dose series within 12 months from the date of initiation) as well as interactions by sex and health insurance type. RESULTS: Over the study period, among females and males who initiated the HPV vaccine, 27.6 and 28.0%, respectively, completed the series within 12 months. Among females, the 2010 ACA provision was associated with a 4.3 percentage point increases in HPV vaccine completion for the privately-insured (0.043; 95% CI: 0.036-0.061) and a 5.7 percentage point increase for Medicaid enrollees (0.057; 95% CI: 0.032-0.081). The 2014 health insurance expansions were associated with a 9.4 percentage point increase in vaccine completion for females with private insurance (0.094; 95% CI: 0.082-0.107) and a 8.5 percentage point increase for Medicaid enrollees (0.085; 95% CI: 0.068-0.102). Among males, the 2014 ACA reforms were associated with a 5.1 percentage point increase in HPV vaccine completion for the privately-insured (0.051; 95% CI: 0.039-0.063) and a 3.4 percentage point increase for Medicaid enrollees (0.034; 95% CI: 0.017-0.050). In a sensitivity analysis, findings were similar with HPV vaccine completion within 18 months. CONCLUSIONS: Despite low HPV vaccine completion overall, both sets of ACA provisions were associated with increases in completion among females and males. Our results suggest that expanding Medicaid across the remaining states could increase HPV vaccine completion among publicly-insured youth and prevent HPV-related cancers.

Recreational Marijuana Legalization and Adolescent Use of Marijuana, Tobacco, and Alcohol.

PURPOSE: Given the rapid expansion of recreational marijuana legalization (RML) polices, it is essential to assess whether such policies are associated with shifts in the use of marijuana and other substances, particularly for adolescents, who are uniquely susceptible to negative repercussions of marijuana use. This analysis seeks to provide greater generalizability, specificity, and methodological rigor than limited prior evidence. METHODS: Youth Risk Behavior Survey data from 47 states from 1999 to 2017 assessed marijuana, alcohol, cigarette, and e-cigarette use among adolescents (14-18+ years; N = 1,077,938). Associations between RML and adolescent past-month substance use were analyzed using quasi-experimental difference-in-differences zero-inflated negative binomial models. RESULTS: Controlling for other state substance policies, year and state fixed effects, and adolescent demographic characteristics, models found that RML was not associated with a significant shift in the likelihood of marijuana use but predicted a small significant decline in the level of marijuana use among users (incidence rate ratio = .844, 95% confidence interval [.720-.989]) and a small increase in the likelihood of any e-cigarette use (odds ratio of zero use = .647, 95% confidence interval [.515-.812]). Patterns did not vary over adolescent age or sex, with minimal differences across racial/ethnic groups. CONCLUSIONS: Results suggest minimal short-term effects of RML on adolescent substance use, with small declines in marijuana use and increase in the likelihood of any e-cigarette use. Given the delayed rollout of commercial marijuana sales in RML states and rapid expansion of RML policies, ongoing assessment of the consequences for adolescent substance use and related health and behavioral repercussions is essential.

BRCA1/2 Testing in Massachusetts Among Women With Private Insurance or Medicaid, 2011-2015.

PURPOSE: Testing for BRCA1/2 mutations has increased among privately insured women in the United States. However, little is known about testing rates or trends among women with Medicaid. We sought to determine whether BRCA1/2 testing rates differed between women with private insurance compared with women with Medicaid in a state where both insurance types cover the test, and to compare testing trends from 2011 to 2015. METHODS: We conducted a retrospective cohort study of medical claims from January 2011 through June 2015. We included Massachusetts women aged 18-64 with private insurance or Medicaid and at least 12 months of continuous enrollment. We used multivariable linear regression to examine the association of insurance type, age, and time with testing rates. RESULTS: Mean monthly BRCA1/2 testing rates were lower among women with Medicaid compared with those with private insurance. Among privately insured women, mean monthly rates rose from 9.3 per 100,000 in 2011 to 18.4 per 100,000 in 2015, while among Medicaid-insured women, rates increased from 3.7 to 14.7. There was no difference in the monthly rate of increase in both groups (P=0.07). In adjusted analyses, rates were lower among Medicaid-insured women (7 fewer tests per month than privately insured women, P<0.001), and differed by age, with women aged 44-54 most likely to receive testing and women 18-34 the least likely. CONCLUSION: BRCA1/2 testing rates were lower among women insured by Medicaid compared with those with private insurance, though rates increased from 2011 to 2015 among both groups of women at a similar rate.

The downstream effects of state tobacco control policies on maternal smoking during pregnancy and birth outcomes.

BACKGROUND: Research has demonstrated that the implementation of tobacco control policies is associated with improved birth outcomes. Ascertainment of prenatal smoking on the US birth certificate has changed over the past decade to record smoking across each trimester. METHODS: Using 2005-2015 birth certificate data on 26,436,541 singletons from 47 states and DC linked to state-level cigarette taxes and smoke-free legislation, we conducted conditional mixed-process models to examine the impact of tobacco control policies on prenatal smoking and quitting, then on the associated changes in birth outcomes. We included interactions between race/ethnicity, education, and taxes and present average marginal effects. RESULTS: Among white and black mothers with less than a high school degree, 36.0% and 14.1%, respectively, smoked during the first trimester and their babies had the poorest birth outcomes. However, they were the most responsive to cigarette taxes. Every $1.00 increase in taxes was associated with a 3.45 percentage point decrease in prenatal smoking among white mothers and a 1.20 percentage point decrease among black mothers. These reductions translated to increases in birth weight by 4.19 g for babies born to white mothers and 0.89 g for babies born to black mothers. Among smokers, there was some evidence that taxes increased quitting and improved birth outcomes, although most associations were not statistically significant. We found limited effects of smoke-free legislation on smoking, quitting or birth outcomes. CONCLUSIONS: Cigarette taxes continue to have important downstream effects on reducing prenatal smoking and improving birth outcomes among the most vulnerable mothers and infants.

Impact of state tobacco control policies on birth defects.

While research has demonstrated the effects of tobacco control policies on birth outcomes, there is little known about their impact on birth defects. Using 2005-2015 natality data on 26,334,854 singletons from 47 US states and District of Columbia linked to state-level cigarette taxes and smoke-free restaurant legislation, we examined the impact of tobacco control policies on birth defects by maternal race/ethnicity and education. We found that among white women with less than a high school degree, every $1.00 increase in cigarette taxes reduced prenatal smoking by 3.48 percentage points and reduced the risk of their infant having any birth defect by 0.0023 percentage points. Tax increases also reduced the risk of cyanotic heart defects, cleft palate, gastroschisis, and limb reduction. We found no evidence for associations between the enactment of smoke-free legislation, prenatal smoking and birth defects. Our findings suggest that state cigarette taxes are a population-level intervention that can help reduce prenatal smoking and the risk of birth defects.

Examining Associations between Perinatal and Postnatal Risk Factors for Childhood Obesity Using Sibling Comparisons.

Background: One of the major criticisms of observational studies examining risk factors for childhood obesity is unmeasured confounding. We examined the associations between breastfeeding initiation, cesarean delivery, prenatal smoking, and gestational diabetes mellitus (GDM) with childhood obesity using both a traditional observational approach and a sibling-pair design with family fixed effects. Methods: We used data from the Linked the Collecting Electronic Nutrition Trajectory Data Using e-Records of Youth (CENTURY) Study, a clinical database created through the linkage of well-child visits with children's birth certificates, with obesity measured at 2 (N = 55,058) and 5 (N = 43,894) years of age. We conducted three sets of regression models: (1) full sample to examine the adjusted association between each risk factor and obesity with clustering by family; (2) rerun only among siblings with clustering by family; and (3) fixed effects analysis among siblings. Results: Across risk factors, 30%-39% of children had siblings. In the full sample, breastfeeding initiation was associated with a lower BMI z-score, while cesarean delivery and smoking during pregnancy were associated with a higher BMI z-score. Effect sizes were consistent in models with siblings only. However, in the fixed effects models, the coefficients attenuated and were no longer significant for each of these risk factors. We found no association between GDM and child BMI z-score in any of the models. Results were consistent for childhood obesity as a dichotomous measure and at 5 years of age. Conclusions: Our findings suggest that unmeasured genetic, environmental, and familial factors are likely confounding associations between breastfeeding, cesarean delivery, prenatal smoking, and GDM with childhood obesity in observational studies.

A quasi-experimental evaluation of marijuana policies and youth marijuana use.

BACKGROUND: Marijuana use carries risks for adolescents' well-being, making it essential to evaluate effects of recent marijuana policies. OBJECTIVES: This study sought to delineate associations between state-level shifts in decriminalization and medical marijuana laws (MML) and adolescent marijuana use. METHODS: Using data on 861,082 adolescents (14 to 18+ years; 51% female) drawn from 1999 to 2015 state Youth Risk Behavior Surveys (YRBS), difference-in-differences models assessed how decriminalization and MML policy enactment were associated with adolescent marijuana use, controlling for tobacco and alcohol policy shifts, adolescent characteristics, and state and year trends. RESULTS: MML enactment was associated with small significant reductions (OR = 0.911, 95% CI [0.850, 0.975]) of 1.1 percentage points in current marijuana use, with larger significant declines for male, Black, and Hispanic (2.7-3.9 percentage points) adolescents. Effects of MML increased significantly with each year of exposure (OR = 0.980, 95% CI [0.968, 0.992]). In contrast, decriminalization was not associated with significant shifts in use for the sample as a whole, but predicted significant declines in marijuana use among 14-year olds and those of Hispanic and other ancestry (1.7-4.4 percentage points), and significant increases among white adolescents (1.6 percentage points). Neither policy was significantly associated with heavy marijuana use or the frequency of use, suggesting that heavy users may be impervious to such policy signals. CONCLUSION: As the first study to concurrently assess unique effects of multiple marijuana policies, results assuage concerns over potential detrimental effects of more liberal marijuana policies on youth use.

US state cigarette tax increases and smoke-free legislation in relation to cigarette expenditure across household socio-economic circumstances: a quasi-experimental study.

BACKGROUND AND AIMS: While research has focused on outcomes of tobacco control policies, less is known about the mechanisms by which policies may affect tobacco use. We estimated the associations of changes in cigarette taxes and smoke-free legislation with (1) any household cigarette expenditure and (2) the level of household expenditure on cigarettes, as well as (3) tested interactions with socio-economic circumstances. DESIGN: Difference-in-differences regression models to estimate the associations between changes in US state cigarette taxes and smoke-free legislation with changes in household expenditure on cigarettes. SETTING: Forty US states and District of Columbia. PARTICIPANTS: From annual, cross-sectional surveys (with a longitudinal component) between 2000 and 2014, 128 138 households interviewed quarterly in the Consumer Expenditure Survey. MEASUREMENTS: Dependent measures included any household cigarette expenditure, expenditure in real dollars and budget share of cigarette expenditure. Policy measures included state cigarette taxes and 100% smoke-free legislation. Covariates included respondent age, race/ethnicity, sex; household education; poverty level; family structure; and number of children and adults. FINDINGS: Every $1.00 cigarette tax increase was associated with a 1.5 percentage point (-0.028, -0.002) reduction in any cigarette expenditure and an increase of 0.1% (0.1%, 0.1%) budget share and $10.11 ($8.38, $11.84) absolute expenditure. The association with absolute expenditure was stronger among smoking households above poverty level ($10.73; $8.94, $12.51) than below ($4.72; $2.37, $7.07). The enactment of smoke-free legislation was associated with $2.33 (-$4.56, -$0.10) less expenditure, but not with any expenditure (0.1%; -1.6%, 1.8%) or budget share (-0.1%; -0.1%, 0.1%). The association with absolute expenditure was stronger among households above poverty level (-$2.62; -$4.95, -$0.29) than below (-$0.34; -$4.27, $3.58) CONCLUSION: Cigarette tax increases in the United States between 2000 and 2014 may have reduced smoking prevalence due to an absolute and relative increase in household tobacco expenditure while smoke-free policies appear to have led to a reduction in expenditure. Although tax increases had a stronger impact on absolute expenditure among households above the poverty level, impact on relative expenditure was similar, and consequences for socio-economic inequalities in smoking will vary based on the broader financial situation of households.

Associations Between State Tobacco Control Policies and Adolescent ENDS Use.

BACKGROUND: Despite an increase in adolescent use of electronic nicotine delivery systems (ENDS), little is known about the role of tobacco control policies on ENDS use. OBJECTIVE: For aim 1, we examined how trends in adolescent use of cigarettes were affected by the introduction of ENDS; for aim 2, we examined the associations between ENDS age restrictions, cigarette taxes, and smoke-free legislation and adolescent use of ENDS and cigarettes. DESIGN AND SETTING: Repeated cross-sections of the 1999-2015 Youth Risk Behavior Surveys linked to state-level tobacco control policies. PARTICIPANTS: 938 486 adolescents aged 14 to 18 years from 45 states. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: For aim 1, we examined adolescent use of cigarettes. For aim 2, we examined adolescent use of ENDS, only ENDS, and cigarettes. RESULTS: We found there was an overall decreasing trend in adolescent use of cigarettes, but the actual decline was greater than the predicted decline for 17- and 18-year-olds. While we found no associations between ENDS use and ENDS age restrictions or cigarette taxes, ENDS use was 3.8 percentage points higher in those states with smoke-free legislation for combustible tobacco products. CONCLUSIONS: Our findings highlight that ENDS age restrictions may not be adequate to curb ENDS use and additional local- and state-level policies governing ENDS are needed.

Impact of tobacco control policies on adolescent smokeless tobacco and cigar use: a difference-in-differences approach.

BACKGROUND: While increasing cigarette taxes has been a major policy driver to decrease smoking, taxes on other tobacco products have received less attention. Our aims were to evaluate the impact of chewing tobacco/cigar taxes, cigarette taxes, and smoke-free legislation on adolescent male and female use of smokeless tobacco and cigars. METHODS: We analyzed data on 499,381 adolescents age 14-18 years from 36 US states in the Youth Risk Behavior Surveys (1999-2013) linked to state-level tobacco control policies. We conducted difference-in-differences regression models to assess whether changes in taxes and the enactment of smoke-free legislation were associated with smokeless tobacco use and, separately, cigar use. Models were stratified by adolescent sex. RESULTS: We found that chewing tobacco taxes had no effect on smokeless tobacco use and cigar taxes had no effect on cigar use. In contrast, among males a 10% increase in cigarette taxes was associated with a 1.0 percentage point increase (0.0010, 95% CI 0.0003-0.0017) in smokeless tobacco use. A 10% increase in cigarette taxes was also associated with a 1.5 percentage point increase (0.0015, 95% CI 0.0006-0.0024) in cigar use among males and a 0.7 percentage point increase (0.0007, 95% CI 0.0001-0.0013) in cigar use among females. There was some evidence that smoke-free legislation was associated with an 1.1 percentage point increase (0.0105, 95% CI 0.0015-0.0194) in smokeless tobacco use among males only, but no effect of smoke-free legislation on cigar use for males or females. CONCLUSIONS: Higher state cigarette taxes are associated with adolescents' use of cheaper, alternative tobacco products such as smokeless tobacco and cigars. Reducing tobacco use will require comprehensive tobacco control policies that are applied equally to and inclusive of all tobacco products.

Reduction in emergency department visits for children's asthma, ear infections, and respiratory infections after the introduction of state smoke-free legislation.

Despite the benefits of smoke-free legislation on adult health, little is known about its impact on children's health. We examined the effects of tobacco control policies on the rate of emergency department (ED) visits for childhood asthma (N=128,807), ear infections (N=288,697), and respiratory infections (N=410,686) using outpatient ED visit data in Massachusetts (2001-2010), New Hampshire (2001-2009), and Vermont (2002-2010). We used negative binomial regression models to analyze the effect of state and local smoke-free legislation on ED visits for each health condition, controlling for cigarette taxes and health care reform legislation. We found no changes in the overall rate of ED visits for asthma, ear infections, and upper respiratory infections after the implementation of state or local smoke-free legislation or cigarette tax increases. However, an interaction with children's age revealed that among 10-17-year-olds state smoke-free legislation was associated with a 12% reduction in ED visits for asthma (adjusted incidence rate ratios (aIRR) 0.88; 95% CI 0.83, 0.95), an 8% reduction for ear infections (0.92; 0.88, 0.97), and a 9% reduction for upper respiratory infections (0.91; 0.87, 0.95). We found an overall 8% reduction in ED visits for lower respiratory infections after the implementation of state smoke-free legislation (0.92; 0.87, 0.96). The implementation of health care reform in Massachusetts was also associated with a 6-9% reduction in all children's ED visits for ear and upper respiratory infections. Our results suggest that state smoke-free legislation and health care reform may be effective interventions to improve children's health by reducing ED visits for asthma, ear infections, and respiratory infections.

Impact of Tobacco Control Policies on Adolescent Smoking.

PURPOSE: Our aims were to examine the impact of cigarette taxes and smoke-free legislation on current adolescent smoking and smoking frequency overall as well as test whether there were differential policy effects by age. METHODS: Using data on 717,543 adolescents from 43 states in the 1999-2013 Youth Risk Behavior Surveys, we used difference-in-differences regression models to evaluate the impact of tobacco control policies on current adolescent smoking (yes/no) and, separately, smoking frequency (defined as 0, 1-5, 6-29, 30+ days per month). We tested an interaction between age and cigarette taxes and, separately, smoke-free legislation. RESULTS: From 1999 to 2013, adolescent smoking decreased from 35.3% to 13.9% and 41 of 43 states increased their cigarette tax in real terms by an average of 257%. By the end of the study period, 29 of 43 states had 100% smoke-free restaurant legislation. Although we found no overall effect of cigarette taxes on current smoking, there was a significant interaction by age. Among 14- and 15-year olds, every $1.00 cigarette tax increase was associated with a 2.2 and 1.6 percentage point reduction in smoking, respectively. The enactment of 100% smoke-free restaurant legislation was associated with an overall reduction in adolescent smoking by 1.1 percentage points and there were no differences by age. Cigarette taxes and smoke-free legislation were also associated with decreased smoking frequency. CONCLUSIONS: The youngest adolescents are the most price sensitive, and cigarette taxes continue to be a successful approach to reduce adolescent smoking. Smoke-free legislation may also be an effective strategy to reduce smoking among all adolescents.

The self-medication hypothesis: Evidence from terrorism and cigarette accessibility.

We use single equation and system instrumental variable models to explore if individuals smoke during times of stress (the motivation effect) and if they are successful in self-medicating short-term stress (the self-medication effect). Short-term stress is a powerful motivator of smoking, and the decision to smoke could trigger biological feedback that immediately reduces short-term stress. We use data on self-reported smoking and stress from 240,388 current and former smokers. We instrument short-term stress with temporal distance from September 11, 2001 (using date of interview). We instrument smoking with cigarette accessibility measures of cigarette price changes and distance to state borders. In the absence of accounting for endogeneity, we find that smoking is associated with increases in short-term stress. However, when we account for endogeneity we find no evidence of smoking affecting short-term stress. We do find a consistent positive effect of short-term stress on smoking.

Associations of tobacco control policies with birth outcomes.

IMPORTANCE: It is unclear whether the benefits of tobacco control policies extend to pregnant women and infants, especially among racial/ethnic minority and low socioeconomic populations that are at highest risk for adverse birth outcomes. OBJECTIVE: To examine the associations of state cigarette taxes and the enactment of smoke-free legislation with US birth outcomes according to maternal race/ethnicity and education. DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTS: Using a quasi-experimental approach, we analyzed repeated cross sections of US natality files with 16,198,654 singleton births from 28 states and Washington, DC, between 2000 and 2010. We first used probit regression to model the associations of 2 tobacco control policies with the probability that a pregnant woman smoked (yes or no). We then used linear or probit regression to estimate the associations of the policies with birth outcomes. We also examined the association of taxes with birth outcomes across maternal race/ethnicity and education. EXPOSURES: State cigarette taxes and smoke-free restaurant legislation. MAIN OUTCOMES AND MEASURES: Birth weight (in grams), low birth weight (<2500 g), preterm delivery (<37 weeks), small for gestational age (<10th percentile for gestational age and sex), and large for gestational age (>90th percentile for gestational age and sex). RESULTS: White and black mothers with the least amount of education (0-11 years) had the highest prevalence of maternal smoking during pregnancy (42.4% and 20.0%, respectively) and the poorest birth outcomes, but the strongest responses to cigarette taxes. Among white mothers with a low level of education, every $1.00 increase in the cigarette tax reduced the level of smoking by 2.4 percentage points (-0.0024 [95% CI, -0.0004 to -0.0001]), and the birth weight of their infants increased by 5.41 g (95% CI, 1.92-8.89 g). Among black mothers with a low level of education, tax increases reduced smoking by 2.1 percentage points (-0.0021 [95% CI, -0.0003 to -0.0001]), and the birth weight of their infants increased by 3.98 g (95% CI, 1.91-6.04 g). Among these mothers, tax increases also reduced the risk of having low-birth-weight, preterm, and small-for-gestational-age babies, but increased the risk of having large-for-gestational-age babies. Associations were weaker among higher-educated black women and largely null among higher educated white women and other groups. We did not find evidence for an association of smoke-free restaurant legislation with birth outcomes. CONCLUSIONS AND RELEVANCE: Increases in the cigarette tax are associated with improved health outcomes related to smoking among the highest-risk mothers and infants. Considering that US states increase cigarette taxes for reasons other than to improve birth outcomes, these findings are welcome by-products of state policies.

Impact of state cigarette taxes on disparities in maternal smoking during pregnancy.

OBJECTIVES: We evaluated the impact of state tobacco control policies on disparities in maternal smoking during pregnancy. METHODS: We analyzed 2000-2010 National Vital Statistics System natality files with 17 699 534 births from 28 states and the District of Columbia that used the 1989 revision of the birth certificate. We conducted differences-in-differences regression models to assess whether changes in cigarette taxes and smoke-free legislation were associated with changes in maternal smoking during pregnancy and number of cigarettes smoked. To evaluate disparities, we included interaction terms between maternal race/ethnicity, education, and cigarette taxes. RESULTS: Although maternal smoking decreased from 11.6% to 8.9%, White and Black women without a high school degree had some of the highest rates of smoking (39.7% and 16.4%, respectively). These same women were the most responsive to cigarette tax increases, but not to smoke-free legislation. For every $1.00 cigarette tax increase, low-educated White and Black mothers decreased smoking by nearly 2 percentage points and smoked between 14 and 22 fewer cigarettes per month. CONCLUSIONS: State cigarette taxes may be an effective population-level intervention to decrease racial/ethnic and socioeconomic disparities in maternal smoking during pregnancy.